Will Brexit Break The Good Friday Agreement

According to the UK Implementation Plan (July 2020), a system for controlling goods entering from Great Britain to Northern Ireland will require three types of electronic documents, as described in an eleven-page document. [97] He stated that Mr Johnson had “supported the EU” and that he would be “very careful when it comes to reaching an agreement with him because they do not know if it will last”. During the three debates, the peace process was not central to most Members. While the backstop received 795 mentions in the three debates we analysed, the “Good Friday Agreements” and the “Belfast Agreements” – two terms that describe the same agreement – together received only 90. This indicates that the discussion on the “backstop” was not generally related to the agreement. The Irish government has reduced the public reference to border controls in order to avoid confrontation with opposition parties in the city and to allay nationalist and unionist concerns in Northern Ireland. Repeated statements by senior politicians in the government challenge the hard border plans. [25] Opposition parties have expressed concern that the government is not talking openly about the risk and planning of a hard border. [26] A private recall of Transport Minister Shane Ross, Demenaiste Simon Coveney, following a press conference, was captured on live microphones. With regard to border controls, Coveney said: “We cannot get to where they will be at this stage. Maybe they`re in the sea.

You could… but as soon as you start talking about controls somewhere near the border, people will start dealing with them, and all of a sudden we will be the government that has reintroduced a physical border on the island of Ireland. [27] For example, last year Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Coveney wrote that the agreement had removed “physical and emotional” barriers between communities in Ireland. Under the withdrawal agreement, Northern Ireland has a different customs and regulatory regime than the rest of the UK, unless a free trade agreement removes disputes. This condition is due to the need to avoid the re-establishment of a hard land border that would sabotage the Good Friday agreement. Given that Johnson`s preferred Brexit model takes Britain out of the internal market and customs union, the legal requirement for a border in the Irish Sea comes into force. This is something that the UNITED Kingdom has decided for itself. France`s experience with a conflict in 1998 for New Caledonia provides a lesson in this regard.

At the time, the then Prime Minister, Michel Rocard, negotiated an agreement between the French “unionists” and the “independents” of Kanack. This agreement, which began a long period of civil peace, involved a forward-looking referendum on the future of the territory. The referendum was held without incident in November 2018. Turnout was high (81%) and a majority voted in favour of keeping France (56.7%). The parallels are clear. In both cases, these “specific and limited” interventions do little to allay the concerns expressed by trade unionists in Northern Ireland.